måndag, september 11, 2006

9/11 och tillämpning av Ickevåld i Mellanöstern


"Se där vår svåra roll
att inse världens lidande
med glädjen i behåll."

Råd till ett nyfött barn
angående i vilken ordning det
bör skaffa sej sina övertygelser

Innan du blir kapitalist,
kommunist, monetarist,
anarkist, marxist, fascist,
terrorist, imperialist,
socialist, syndikalist,
eller rentav folkpartist,

måste lilla du förstå
att så snart som du kan gå
bör du stultande gå med
i det världsparti för fred
som går före allting annat.

Alla ismer där vi stannat
är sekunda, inte störst.
Freden måste komma först.
Gör den inte det, min vän
kommer inget efter den
/Tage Danielsson


http://www.democracynow.org/article.pl?sid=06/09/08/1349257
Arun Gandhi ger oss i den här intervjun i Democracy Now en inblick i vad hans berömda anfader Mahatma Gandhi på sin tid ville uppnå med sitt "Satyagraha" - att som en hörnsten i sitt liv med vidöppet sinne alltid sträva efter sanningen.


Ickevåld är något mycket kraftfullt - inte bara fredliga konfliktlösningsmetoder, att inte använda vapen, utan vilar också på människors stöd i frågor som berör oss alla. Det var därför Gandhi kom att engagera människor i Sydafrika och Indien så starkt, som i den indiska Saltmarschen 1930.


Det var då engelsmännen förklarade att de skulle forsla indiskt salt till England, raffinera det där, packa om det och sälja tillbaka det till indierna för hela 20 ggr ursprungspriset. Ändå var salt något befolkningen använde dagligen. Man var mycket fattig, och Gandhi valde därför denna fråga.


Den dag han började sin saltmarch, till havet ungefär 40 mil bort, grep detta människors fantasi. Och miljoner strömmade till. Även om de själva inte kunde delta så gjorde de egna saker där de bodde för att kunna ge sitt stöd till kampen.


Gensvaret blev så enormt att de som varit tveksamma i den indiska kongressen också upptäckte det kloka i frågan. Men britterna togs fullständigt på sängen, vilket blev vändpunkten i den indiska frihetskampen och Storbritannien kom sedan att förlora inflytandet över Indien.


Arun Gandhi var också den sista utlänning som mött och talat med Yasser Arafat: - Den sortens våld du praktiserar gynnar vare sig dig själv eller någon annan. Du förstör bara en hel generation ungdomar och får ingenting tillbaka", förklarade Arun till Yasser.


- "Nu senast efter terroristattacken 2001 så betraktar folk i Väst självmordsbombare som terrorister. Istället för att gripas av sympati för det palestinska folkets kamp, möter ni ännu mer ilska och frustration och de kallar er terrorister, vilket gör att ni då förlorar kampen.


En general som griper initiativet har bättre chans att vinna ett krig. Och idag är det Israel som behåller initiativet, och de lockar er att göra saker, terrorattacker som de vill ni skall utföra, så att de kan legitimera ännu mer av sitt våld och separation mot ert folk.


I Amman, Jordanien, där har över en halv miljoner palestinier levt i mer än ett decennium under obeskrivliga förhållanden. De är totalt utan rättvisa och de har blivit frustrerade och arga. De önskar att få komma tillbaka till Palestina och att där kunna leva ett normalt och fredligt liv.


-Du skulle kunna leda en marsch till Palestina, utan vapen och dylikt, bara säga att vi kommer tillbaka för att leva i fred och harmoni i vårt eget hemland. Inte skulle israelerna kunna döda så många människor och leva med detta på sitt samvete? I så fall skulle världen vakna upp och ingripa! /Arun Gandhi


"Civil olydnad är inte vårt problem. Vårt problem är människornas lydnad inför fattigdom, svält och dumhet, inför krig och grymhet.


Vårt problem är människors lydnad och att fängelserna fylls med småtjuvar, medan stortjuvarna styr och rånar landet. Detta är vårt problem." /Howard Zinn, ur 'Failure to Quit'


"För den som söker efter frihet kan det inte finnas en viktigare uppgift än att få sätta sig in i indoktrineringens mekanismer och praktik" /Noam Chomsky



Ickevåld - inte bara icke våld
Ickevåld är en livsinställning, ett rättesnöre i människors liv. Den ökar hennes inre styrka genom sin strävan att ständigt och med öppet sinne söka sanning. Att gripa in mot våldets alla former utan att för den skull själv behöva bruka våld. Pascifism är däremot att vika undan.


Ickevåld som livsåskådning är
att kunna skilja på sak och person
att motverka fiendebilder, vi och dom
att öppet och i dialog söka sanningen


Men hur kommer det sig då att vi lyder, trots att vi vet att någonting är fel? Stanley Milgrams klassiska experiment visar att lydnaden sitter i vår ryggmärg.


Stanley Milgram genomförde en serie experiment1974 som visade att varje genomsnittlig amerikan var så genomsyrad av lydnad gentemot auktoriteter, att de kunde utsätta andra för en dödlig skada, bara det var en auktoritet som instruerade dem


Ändå svarade från början samtliga nej på frågan om de var beredda att döda en människa eller orsaka henne allvarlig smärta.


Efteråt har det verifierats att minst 60% av oss kan döda en annan människa, bara en auktoritet manar på oss att göra det. Men mönstret kan förändras genom exemplets makt - att det finns någon som kan gå före och vågar säga nej. Eller då vi genomgår en beteendemässig utbildning, som till fredsbevarare inför en aktion.


Vissa använder ickevåld som en teknik att utbildas i vid speciella situationer. Det kan vara för att uppnå reformer eller i revolutionär kamp. Gandhi talade om att ta ett steg i taget, allt ifrån protester till parallellt styre. /I.T

War and Peace: War Must be Made Illegal (utdrag)

Så tidigt som 1931 sa Mahatma Gandhi att för att bli meningsfull måste en förändring ske genom ickevåldslig kamp. Hellre kunde han vänta i åratal än använda våldsamma medel och visste att världen var dödligt trött på blodsutgjutelser.


Naturligtvis upplevs detta idag som missriktat. Men det måste i så fall ske i kamp mot förtrycket. För Gandhi var det mer en fråga om en mänsklig plikt än om politiska val. Det handlade mer om den "frihet" efter det koloniala förtryck som var detsamma som ´slaveri´.


- Därför utmanar vi makten hos en sådan regering och betraktar det den gör som alltigenom ont. Därför vill vi kasta ut regeringen och visa att den är till för folket och inte att folket är till för regeringen.


För att uppnå denna fullständiga frihet måste vi inse att en ickevåldslig kamp kräver största mod som oupplösligt är förknippat med rättvisa - fred och rättvisa - och dessutom en uthållig miljö!


Johan Galtung med sin TRANSCEND metod visar tre faser för fredlig konfliktlösning
Method I: Meeting all parties, one-on-one
Method II: Empathic dialogues to elicit creativity
Method III: Showing transcending goals, creating new legitimate goals of all parties Method IV: Joint action to transform the conflict, checking whether it works. If not,
Methods I-4 again. (medling, försoning, fredsstrukturer - involvera civilsamhället - MellanÖstern kärnvapenfri zon! /sammanställning I.T


http://news.independent.co.uk/world/middle_east/article1372026.ece 09/08/06 Patrick Cockburn in Gaza 'Gaza is a jail. Nobody is allowed to leave. We are all starving now'(sista stycket)


..The Israeli siege and the European boycott are a collective punishment of everybody in Gaza.


The gunmen are unlikely to be deterred. In a bed in Shifa Hospital was a sturdy young man called Ala Hejairi with wounds to his neck, legs, chest and stomach.


"I was laying an anti-tank mine last week in Shajhayeh when I was hit by fire from an Israeli drone," he said. "I will return to the resistance when I am better.Why should I worry? If I die I will die a martyr and go to paradise."


His father, Adel, said he was proud of what his son had done adding that three of his nephews were already martyrs. He supported the Hamas government: "Arab and Western countries want to destroy this government because it is the government of the resistance."


As the economy collapses there will be many more young men in Gaza willing to take Ala Hejairi's place. Untrained and ill-armed most will be killed. But the destruction of Gaza, now under way, will ensure that no peace is possible in the Middle East for generations to come.


The deadly toll

* After the kidnap of Cpl Gilad Shalit by Palestinians on 25 June, Israel launched a massive offensive and blockade of Gaza under the operation name Summer Rains.

* The Gaza Strip's 1.3 million inhabitants, 33 per cent of whom live in refugee camps, have been under attack for 74 days.

* More than 260 Palestinians, including 64 children and 26 women, have been killed since 25 June. One in five is a child. One Israeli soldier has been killed and 26 have been wounded.

* 1,200 Palestinians have been injured, including up to 60 amputations. A third of victims brought to hospital are children.

* Israeli warplanes have launched more than 250 raids on Gaza, hitting the two power stations and the foreign and Information ministries.

* At least 120 Palestinian structures including houses, workshops and greenhouses have been destroyed and 160 damaged by the Israelis.

* The UN has criticised Israel's bombing, which has caused an estimated $1.8bn in damage to the electricity grid and leaving more than a million people without regular access to drinking water.

* The Israeli human rights group B'Tselem says 76 Palestinians, including 19 children, were killed by Israeli forces in August alone. Evidence shows at least 53 per cent were not participating in hostilities.

* In the latest outbreak of violence, three Palestinians were killed yesterday when Israeli troops raided a West Bank town in search of a wanted militant. Two of those killed were unarmed, according to witnesses.


http://www.transnational.org/pressinf/2006/pi241_Falk_AssessUNLeb.html by prof Richard Falk from "Resolurion 1701 undermines the UN's own authority"


Nothing illustrates this fallen condition of the UN better than the one-sided UNSC Res. 1701 ceasefire resolution finally approved by unanimous vote on August 11th.


This resolution,although in some respects a compromise that reflects the inconclusive battlefield outcome, is tilted in many of its particulars to favor the country that both wrongfully escalated the border incident and carried out massive combat operations against civilian targets in flagrant violation of the law of war:


Res. 1701 blames Hezbollah for starting the conflict; it refrains from making any critical comment on Israeli bombing and artillery campaign directed at the entire country of Lebanon;


it imposes an obligation to disarm Hezbollah without placing any restrictions on Israeli military capabilities or policies;


it places peacekeeping forces only on Lebanese territory,and is vague about requiring the withdrawal of Israeli armed forces;


it still fails to censure Israel for expanding the scope of its ground presence in Lebanon by 300% to beat the ceasefire deadline, and it calls for the prohibition of 'all' attacks by Hezbollah while requiring Israel only to stop 'offensive military operations,' leaving the definition of what is offensive in the hands of policymakers in Tel Aviv and Washington.


We learn some important things about the United Nations from this experience. First, it is incapable of protecting any state, whatever the circumstances, that is the victim of an aggressive war initiated by the United States or its close allies. This incapacity extends even to proposing resolutions of censure.


Secondly, the UNSC, while not actually supporting such claims of aggressive war, will collaborate with the aggressor in the post-conflict situation to ratify the effects of the aggression. This combination means effectively that the Charter prohibition directed at non-defensive wars applies only to enemies of the United States.


Any legal order that achieves respect treats equals equally. The UN is guilty of treating equals unequally, and thus constantly undermines its own authority.

'Punitive self-defence'? Israel's illegitimate use of retaliating force

There is another disturbing element that concerns the manner in which states aligned with the United States are using force against non-state actors. Such states, of which Israel is a leading example, engage in what a law commentator, Ali Khan, has called 'punitive self-defense.'


UN Charter Article 51 deliberately tried to restrict this option to claim selfdefense by requiring 'a prior armed attack,' which was definitely understood, as being of a much more sustained and severe initiation of violent conflict than an incident of violence due to an isolated attack or a border skirmish.


More concretely, the events on the borders of Gaza and Lebanon that gave rise to sustained Israeli war making did not give Israel the legal right to act in selfdefense, although it did authorize Israel to defend itself by retaliating in a proportionate manner. This distinction is crucial to the Charter conception of legitimate uses of international force.


What punitive self-defense means is a deliberate policy of over-reaction such that there is created a gross disproportion between the violence inflicted by the non-state actor, in the Lebanese instance, Hezbollah, and the response of the state actor Israel.


It also means, contrary to the UN Charter and international law, that every violent provocation by a non-state actor can be treated as an occasion for claiming a right to wage a full war based on 'self-defense.'


This punitive approach to non-state adversaries completely negates a cardinal principle of both international law and the just war tradition by validating disproportionate uses of retaliatory force.

We must not become cynical about the role of the UN

This discouraging interpretation of what to expect from the United Nations in war/peace situations should not lead to a cynical dismissal of the Organization. We need the UN to step in, as in Lebanon, when the arbiters of geopolitics give the signal, and help with the post-conflict process of recovery and reconstruction.


http://www.transnational.org/pressinf/2005/pi230ENG_Falk_EndIraq.html
"Ending the war on Iraq" Richard Falk dec 4 2005 (utdrag I.T)


...Det finns ingen militär utväg ur detta misslyckande. Ingen alls. Då är det bättre att omedelbart avsluta ockupationen innan alla dörrar blivit stängda för diplomatin.


Bushs omtalade tal på USS Abraham Lincoln den 1 maj 2003 med 'mission accomplished, på banderollen bakom visar på en extrem felkalkylering.


Men kritik är inte nog. Utan positiva alternativ kommer man ingenstans. Trots att varje förslag är höljt i ett framtida dunkel.


Stegen vi trots allt måste ta är:

- en klart uttalad vilja från USAs sida att fullständigt dra sig ur Irak och överge sina planer på permanenta militära baser i landet.


- en tidtabell för att inom ett år fullständigt dra tillbaka egna och övriga länders trupper i landet


- en militär utfästelse att de amerikanska trupperna kan bli anfalla bara om de själva anfaller


- ett stöd till de irakiska krafter som arbetar med diplomatins medel som alternativ till inbördeskrig för en kompromiss och försoning mellan grupperna


- en i största möjliga utsträckning diversifiering av den ekonomisk-sociala återuppbyggnaden genom ett från USA oberoende FN som agerar utifrån en ny roll.


- en uppmuntran till de regionala initiativ som samtidigt inbegriper Turkiet, Iran och de Arabländer som kan bidra politiskt och fredsbevarande till denna övergångsfas.


- en förstärkning av USAs och Storbritanniens vilja att uppnå ett enat Irak


- en större press för att få stopp på den israeliska ockupationen av palestinskt territorium och att uppnå en lösning på konflikten. En lösning som erkänner det palestinska folkets legitima krav på rätten att uppnå en fred baserad på jämlikhet och ömsesidig respekt.


-ett stöd till en irakisk försoningsprocess som innebär en mobilisering av den amerikanska antikrigsopinionen


Samtidigt måste en större mobilisering äga rum av den amerikanska antikrigs-opinionen och i övriga delar av världen, om detta skall kunna ske även bland de regionala ledarna i Mellanöstern. Om inte antikrigsaktiviteten ökar kraftigt, kommer kriget bara att fortgå tills det plötsligt avslutas i en anda av desperation.


När det amerikanska beskyddet avlägsnats, kommer kurder och shia att befinna sig under en stark press att återigen förenas med sunnidelen, så att de inte riskerar möta ett fortsatt militärt motstånd, kanske ett fullskaligt inbördeskrig, vilket de då riskerar förlora. Civilt motstånd skapar däremot en betydande press på alla parter att försonas.


Situationen i Irak har försämrats så till den grad, att det inte längre existerar en strategi för att dra sig ur och inte kantas med faror. Genom fortsatt krig, något alltmer diskrediterat, är det enda vi säkert vet, att högen med lik kommer att fortsätta växa.


Ett par miljoner människor varav nära en miljon barn dog i Irak under de tolv långa åren av FNsanktioner under 1990talet. Detta som varit Mellanösterns modernaste land. "Det är det pris man får ta", sa USAs dåvarande utrikesminister Madelaine Albright apropå alla små barn som då dog av undernäring och brist på rent vatten /övers I.T


http://www.mirror.co.uk/news/allnews/page.cfm?objectid=11574035&method=full
John Pilger: The Colder War: The threat of "terrorism", some of it real, most of it invented, is the new Red Scare.


In 1993, in the last days of George Bush Senior's presidency, 18 American soldiers were killed in Somalia after the US Marines had invaded to "restore hope", as they put it.

A current Hollywood movie, Black Hawk Down, glamorises and lies about this episode.

It leaves out the fact that the invading Americans left behind between 7,000 and 10,000 Somalis killed.

Like the victims of American bombing in Afghanistan, and Iraq, and Cambodia, and Vietnam and many other stricken countries, the Somalis are unpeople, whose deaths have no political and media value in the West.

WHEN Bush Junior's heroic marines return in their Black Hawk gunships, loaded with technology, looking for "terrorists", their victims will once again be nameless. We can then expect the release of Black Hawk Down II.

Breaking our silence means not allowing the history of our lifetimes to be written this way, with lies and the blood of innocent people. To understand the lie of what Blair/Straw/Hoon call the "outstanding success" in Afghanistan,

read the work of the original author of "Total War", a man called Zbigniew Brzezinski who was President Carter's National Security Adviser and is still a powerful force in Washington.

Brzezinski not long ago revealed that on July 3, 1979, unknown to the American public and Congress, President Jimmy Carter secretly authorised $500million to create an international terrorist movement that would spread Islamic fundamentalism in Central Asia and "destabilise" the Soviet Union.

The CIA called this Operation Cyclone and in the following years poured $4billion into setting up Islamic training schools in Pakistan (Taliban means "student").

Young zealots were sent to the CIA's spy training camp in Virginia, where future members of al-Qaeda were taught "sabotage skills" - terrorism.

Others were recruited at an Islamic school in Brooklyn, New York, within sight of the fated Twin Towers.

In Pakistan, they were directed by British MI6 officers and trained by the SAS.

The result, quipped Brzezinski, was "a few stirred up Muslims" - meaning the Taliban.

At that time, the late 1970s, the American goal was to overthrow Afghanistan's first progressive, secular government, which had granted equal rights to women, established health care and literacy programmes and set out to break feudalism.

When the Taliban seized power in 1996, they hanged the former president from a lamp-post in Kabul.

His body was still a public spectacle when Clinton administration officials and oil company executives were entertaining Taliban leaders in Washington and Houston, Texas.

The Wall Street Journal declared: "The Taliban are the players most capable of achieving peace. Moreover, they were crucial to secure the country as a prime trans-shipment route for the export of Central Asia's vast oil, gas and other natural resources."

NO AMERICAN newspaper dares suggest that the prisoners in Camp X-Ray are the product of this policy, nor that it was one of the factors that led to the attacks of September 11.

Nor do they ask: who were the real winners of September 11?

The day the Wall Street stockmarket opened after the destruction of the Twin Towers, the few companies showing increased value were the giant military contractors Alliant Tech Systems, Northrop Gruman, Raytheon (a contributor to New Labour) and Lockheed Martin.

As the US military's biggest supplier, Lockheed Martin's share value rose by a staggering 30 per cent.

Within six weeks of September 11, the company (with its main plant in Texas, George Bush's home state) had secured the biggest military order in history: a $200billion contract to develop a new fighter aircraft.

The greatest taboo of all, which Orwell would surely recognise, is the record of the United States as a terrorist state and haven for terrorists.

This truth is virtually unknown by the American public and makes a mockery of Bush's (and Blair's) statements about "tracking down terrorists wherever they are".

They don't have to look far.

Florida, currently governed by the President's brother, Jeb Bush, has given refuge to terrorists who, like the September 11 gang, have hi-jacked aircraft and boats with guns and knives.

Most have never had criminal charges brought against them.

Why? All of them are anti-Castro Cubans. Former Guatemalan Defence Minister Gramajo Morales, who was accused of "devising and directing an indiscriminate campaign of terror against civilians", including the torture of an American nun and the massacre of eight people from one family, studied at Harvard University on a US government scholarship.

During the 1980s, thousands of people were murdered by death squads connected to the army of El Salvador, whose former chief now lives comfortably in Florida.

The former Haitian dictator, General Prosper Avril, liked to display the bloodied victims of his torture on television.

When he was overthrown, he was flown to Florida by the US government, and granted political asylum.

A leading member of the Chilean military during the reign of General Pinochet, whose special responsibility was executions and torture, lives in Miami.

THE Iranian general who ran Iran's notorious prisons, is a wealthy exile in the US.

One of Pol Pot's senior henchmen, who enticed Cambodian exiles back to their certain death, lives in Mount Vernon, New York.

What all these people have in common, apart from their history of terrorism, is that they either worked directly for the US government or carried out the dirty work of US policies.

The al-Qaeda training camps are kindergartens compared with the world's leading university of terrorism at Fort Benning in Georgia. Known until recently as the School of the Americas, its graduates include almost half the cabinet ministers of the genocidal regimes in Guatemala,

two thirds of the El Salvadorean army officers who committed, according to the United Nations, the worst atrocities of that country's civil war, and the head of Pinochet's secret police, who ran Chile's concentration camps.

There is terrible irony at work here. The humane response of people all over the world to the terrorism of September 11 has long been hijacked by those running a rapacious great power with a history of terrorism second to none. Global supremacy, not the defeat of terrorism, is the goal; only the politically blind believe otherwise.

The "widening gap between the world's "haves" and "have nots"', says a remarkably candid document of the US Space Command, presents "new challenges" to the world's superpower and which can only be met by "Full Spectrum Dominance" - dominance of land, sea, air and space.


http://www.atimes.com/atimes/Front_Page/HI12Aa01.html
The other September 11 By Pepe Escobar

SANTIAGO, Chile - You don't need an Osama bin Laden to pull a September 11. Forget Boeings-turned-into-missiles crashing into twin towers. Switch for a moment to four military planes bombing a presidential palace - and replay a different September 11 movie starring Dick and Henry.

"Dick", of course, is the late US president Richard Nixon. "Henry" was his national security adviser, Henry Kissinger. Foreign policy-wise, it's quite an enlightening plot.

Scene 1: Washington, the Oval Office, September 1970. Dr Salvador Allende, a man of culture, grand bourgeois and charismatic founder of the Socialist Party, has just won the presidential election in Chile fair and square, with 36.22% of the votes. Nixon and Kissinger receive Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) director Richard Helms.

Nixon tells Helms, according to Kissinger, that he wants "a major effort to see what could be done to prevent Allende's accession to power. If there were one chance in 10 of getting rid of Allende, we should try it."

Scene 2: Santiago, La Moneda Palace, September 11 of the year 1973, 8am. Allende, the democratically elected president of Chile, is worried about a general called Augusto Pinochet. Radio stations are mute. The navy has taken over Valparaiso - where the president was born. But he worries about his new army commander, chosen less than three weeks ago: "Poor Pinochet, he must have been arrested ..."

General Pinochet is far from arrested: he is conducting a coup. Troops march over Santiago. At 8.30am a solemn military declaration makes treason official. Tanks roll into the city center. At noon, four Stuka planes destroy Allende's private residence on Tomas Moro Street and bomb La Moneda Palace.

The president chooses resistance, fighting the troops surrounding the palace and spurning offers of a plane for himself and his family to leave the country. When his capture is imminent, Allende presses his chin against the AK-47 that Cuban leader Fidel Castro gave him, and fires. At 2pm, the military junta takes power. Systematic arrests, torture and executions start almost immediately.

Between these two scenes is the story of a coup that unfolded in slow motion for virtually three years. The United States was still embroiled in Vietnam. Nixon's policy for the whole of Latin America was one word short of "war on terror": "to prevent another Cuba". Nixon simply could not tolerate "that bastard Allende" (in his own words).

Chile had the largest copper reserves in the world. Allende was about to nationalize Chilean copper - thus sabotaging the monstrous US corporate profits of Anaconda Copper Mining Co and Kennecott Copper Co, which had been bleeding the country for decades.

The Chilean-destabilization strategy, presided over in detail by Kissinger, developed into a series of operations called Track 1 and Track 2. The CIA tried to stage a coup even before Allende's inauguration on November 1970, giving US$50,000 to a crypto-Nazi gang to kill chief of staff General Rene Schneider on October 22, and bribing generals and admirals. It didn't work.

Allende wanted to develop "a peaceful Chilean way towards socialism". He was elected by workers, peasants and the marginalized, urban lower classes. Educated urban youth celebrated the "socialism of red wine and empanadas" (stuffed pastry). But Washington would prevent any turn to the left by devastating the Chilean economy, deploying mass bribery, spying and blackmail.

Allende in fact was a moderate compared with Chilean popular movements further to the left that occupied factories, lands or just property (1,278 occupations in 1971 alone). Then strikes started to spread (3,200 in 1972). Industrialists sabotaged production. No one could explain how Chilean credit was suddenly cut off in international markets. Loans were suspended.

The CIA, apart from non-stop sabotage, financed strategic strikes - doctors, bank clerks, a very long truck drivers' strike. Conservative newspapers conducted a non-stop vicious disinformation campaign. There were coup rehearsals. And political chaos compounded economic chaos: the Christian Democrats - the centrists - ended up joining the right and the extreme right against Allende.

Nixon got exactly what he wanted. On September 11, US Navy ships monitored all Chilean military bases to warn the plotters about who might be supporting Allende. Pinochet took over and entered history as the definitive, sinister Latin American dictator from central casting.

Dictatorship in Chile coincided with the ascension of neo-liberalism (which in the 1990s would be remixed as "globalization"). Chileans with scholarships had been a fixture of the University of Chicago for years. The charter of neo-liberalism - and Pinochet's Holy Economic Grail - was written by two of them, Sergio de Castro and Arturo Fontaine. Afterward, it was classic division of labor: the armed forces killed while the "Chicago boys" applied neo-liberal economic policies. Military repression assured economic "freedom".

Some other dictators were in place before Pinochet, more were to follow. By the mid-1970s, six US-backed South American dictatorships - Chile, Argentina, Brazil, Bolivia, Uruguay and Paraguay - were united in deep secret under the infamous, transnational Operation Condor, a Latino war "of" terror eliminating everyone who was or might become a political adversary.

Condor had two key players: Pinochet in Chile (who kept Condor's centralized computers) and Alfredo Stroessner in Paraguay (he died this year in Brazil). The Pinochet regime kept a small lab for the fabrication of botulism soup and nerve gas - which were and remain certified weapons of mass destruction; the chemist responsible later escaped to Uruguay and was assassinated.

Orlando Letelier, Chile's ambassador to Washington under Allende in 1970-72, was assassinated under Condor. Who cared? Military fascism was Washington's daily special, every single day.

Pinochet and Condor, in Chile, were responsible for as many victims as September 11: about 3,000, including 1,198 "disappeared". In Argentina, there were officially at least 10,000 dead: for human-rights organizations there were more than 30,000 dead and "disappeared".

In Paraguay, there were at least 2,000 dead; in Bolivia at least 350 dead and "disappeared", in Brazil almost 300, in Uruguay almost 200. Families of the "disappeared" are convinced Kissinger knew about everything. He will take his secrets to the grave, as will model dictator Pinochet - who still refuses to die.

Behind the rebuilt La Moneda palace in central Santiago, facing the Ministry of Justice building, there is a statue of Allende. Underneath, the words: "I have faith in Chile and its destiny." These were his last words before he committed suicide, instead of becoming a hostage on South America's September 11.


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